Acknowledgments viii
List of Abbreviations ix
1 An Introduction 1
1 The Grammatical Locus of Semantic Interpretation 1
2 Two Ways of Identifying LF 3
3 Studying LF 5
2 Motivating LF 10
1 Interpreting LF 11
2 The Empty Category Principle at LF 13
3 Cross Over Effects at LF 21
4 Bound Pronouns 23
5 Conclusion 28
Appendix Subjacency 28
3 More on LF 35
1 Relative Quantifier Scope 35
1.1 Aoun and Li (1989) 35
1.2 Aoun and Li (1993a) 40
2 The Relative Scope of WHs and Quantifiers 44
2.1 The Problem 44
2.2 Generalized Binding and Variable Types 46
2.3 MBR and WH/Q Structures 47
3 Antecedent-contained Deletion (ACD) 53
4 Conclusion 58
4 Some Minimalist Background 59
1 Where We Are 59
2 Where We Are Going: Outlines of a Minimalist Theory 62
2.1 LF and PF as the Sole Grammatical Levels 63
2.2 Basic Grammatical Relations are X'-theoretic 67
2.3 Elements Move to Satisfy Morphological Requirements 69
3 Conclusion 71
5 Antecedent-Contained Deletion 72
1 Baltin (1987) on ACD 73
2 Larson and May's Reply 74
3 ACDs and Minimalism 78
4 A Minimalist Theory of ACDs 79
5 Adjunct ACDs 84
6 Further Implications 87
7 ACDs and LF V-raising: Some Cross-linguistic Considerations 91
8 Conclusion 96
Appendix 1 Nominative Objects 97
Appendix 2 Just Where is LF? 98
6 Linking, Binding, and Weak Cross Over 99
1 Introduction 99
2 Linked Pronouns 100
3 Stating the Weak Cross Over Principle 106
4 The WCOP and Minimalism. 110
5 A Further Consequence: Linking and Quantifier/WH Interactions 111
6 A Loose End: Reanalyzing almost c-command 118
7 Conclusion 122
7 Superiority Effects 123
1 Introduction 123
2 Superiority and Functional WHs 125
3 Further Facts: Multiple Which Questions 130
4 Some Comparative Superiority Data 135
4.1 Languages with Multiply Fronted WHs 135
4.2 Subject Postposing and Superiority 141
4.3 Superiority in Clauses with Three WHs 143
4.4 Anti-superiority Effects in Japanese 144
4.5 Multiple Interrogatives with Why 147
4.6 Yes/No Questions 150
4.7 Concluding Remarks 151
5 Conclusion 152
8 Quantifier Scope 153
1 Introduction: Basic Assumptions 153
2 Subject and Object Quantified NPs 155
3 Scope Restrictions 158
4 Chinese Quantifiers 164
5 Weak Cross Over Superiority, and Polarity 165
6 Some Further Benefits of Eliminating QR 171
7 Two Residual Cases 175
7.1 Prepositional Objects 175
7.2 Double Object Constructions (DOCs) 177
8 Conclusion 180
9 Revisiting the Minimalist Program 183
1 The Status of LF 183
2 Chains and their Properties 186
3 Derivational Constraints on Chains 192
4 PF Chains 195
5 Pure Subject/Object Asymmetries 197
6 Conclusion 201
Notes 203
Bibliography 253
Index 259
